San Francisco State College Strike and The Institutionalization of Black Studies
This essay was written in 2022, during my junior year in college.
Introduction
As of 2013, there were 361 American educational institutions that offered a degree in some variation of Black Studies (Rhodes). Now almost ten years later, we can assume there are dozens, if not hundreds more around the country. They may be addressed with different titles (Black Studies, African-American Studies, Africana Studies, etc.), but they all encompass an artistic, historical, political, and/or sociological breakdown of Blackness in unique ways. What is now readily available within academia was once a mere demand from a group of students at San Francisco State College, who longed for an education that was tailored to their lived experiences. I postulate that if it were not for the political intellect of San Francisco State College’s Black Student Union and Third World Liberation Front, which spurred the five month San Francisco State College Strike of the 1968-1969 academic year, America could still be awaiting the implementation of the first collegiate Black Studies program.
Overview
From November 1968 to March 1969, students at San Francisco State College (SFSC) led a five month strike against the College on the basis of changing “the class and racist nature of education” (Rouda, 1:53). What started as a handful of Black students displaying grievances against their institution blossomed into the longest student-led strike at an academic institution in American history, as well the nation’s first collegiate Black Studies Program (ibid 1:19). This strike was thoroughly strategic, and crossed the lines of race, class, gender, age, and even ideology. All of these factors intertwined with the determination of the students to create an uncompromising force that would not allow the strike to break until their demands were met.
The main organizers of the strike were students from SFSC’s Black Student Union (BSU) and students from the Third World Liberation Front, a multiracial coalition of minority students from both SFSC and UC Berkeley, a neighboring institution (Dong 1, Special Collections/Archives). The strike officially began November 6, 1968, in protest of the release of George Murray, a Black-male English professor and Black Panther Minister of Education, five days prior (Whitson, Special Collections/Archives). The organizers adopted the “War of the Flea” technique, a hit-and-run strategy that would disrupt the daily flow of the institution by hosting large noise demonstrations and other distractions in spurts, as to avoid police presence as much as possible (T’Shaka 23). Although some scholars refer to this strike as a “Teacher Strike,” the majority of faculty and administrators who participated did not join until January, most of them having separate reasons to join from the students’ (Bunzel 346, Special Collections/Archives). Nonetheless, there was enough interest convergence for them to combine their strength in numbers and strike together in solidarity.
Fifteen demands were initially made as conditions to the end of the strike: ten from the Black Student Union, five from the Third World Liberation Front. The demands read as follows (T’Shaka 21-22).
Ten Demands of the Black Student Union:
All Black Studies courses being taught through various other departments are immediately part of the Black Studies Department and that all instructors in this department have full time pay.
Dr. Hare, chairman of the Black Studies Department, receive a full professorship and comparable salary according to his qualifications.
There will be a Department of Black Studies which will grant a Bachelor’s Degree in Black Studies; that the Black Studies Department chairman, faculty and staff have the sole power to hire and fire without the interference of the racist administration and the chancellor.
All unused slots for Black students from fall 1968 under the Special Admissions Program be filled in spring 1969.
All Black students who wish to, be admitted in fall 1969.
Twenty full-time teaching positions to be allocated to the Department of Black Studies.
Dr. Helen Bedesem be replaced in the position of Financial Aid officer and that a Black person be hired to direct it and that Third World people have the power to determine how it will be administered.
No disciplinary action will be administered in any way to any students, workers, teachers, or administrators during and after the strike as a consequence of their participation in the strike.
The California State College Trustees will not be allowed to dissolve any Black programs on or off the San Francisco State College campus.
George Murray maintains his teaching position on the campus for the 1968-69 academic year.
Five Demands of the Third World Liberation Front:
Schools of ethnic studies for the ethnic groups in the Third World be set up, with students for each particular organization having the authority and the control of the hiring and retention of any faculty member, director, or administrator, as well as the curricula.
Fifty faculty positions to be appropriated to the schools of ethnic studies, 20 of which would be for the Black Studies Program.
In the spring semester, the college fulfills its commitments to the nonwhite students in admitting those that apply.
In the fall 1969 semester, all applications of nonwhite students be accepted.
George Murray and any other faculty members chosen by non-white people as their teachers be retained in their positions.
The longevity of this strike is a testament to both the organizational intelligence of the Bay Area students and the striking community’s general commitment to their cause. Multiple strike tactics were used, such as “informational picketing, blocking of college campus entrances, mass rallies, and teach-ins” (Dong 1). Black students also networked intensively within different social groups on campus, first to spread the word and secondly to mobilize those who had an interest in the strike. Black Greek organizations were used to throw parties that publicized the strike (T’Shaka 20). Black football players were urged to strike, and in turn, no football was played during the strike (T’Shaka 20). Black women in BSU attained various jobs on campus to stay informed on the moves being made in different college departments (ibid. 20). Students also formed strategic relationships with the White Left to leverage their relationship and mobilize them on the platform of Black issues in connection with the War in Vietnam (ibid. 20). On top of implementing these organizational tactics, strikers had to avoid police brutality, which was quite frequent during this demonstration (Labor Video Project 13:40, Rouda 26:30).
The strike consisted of students, teachers, administrators and community members of all walks of life. Despite the hardships these individuals endured, their sacrifices did not end in vain. All demands were at least partially met, besides the rehiring of George Murray and the hiring of Dr. Nathan Hale as the Chair of the Black Studies Department (T’Shaka 24). A Black Studies Department was created and it had the right to hire and fire how it pleased, on top of offering qualified students a Bachelor of Arts degree (ibid. 23).There were twelve full-time professors granted to the department; eight less than originally asked for, but a significant increase from having one professor in total (ibid. 23).
The School of Ethnic Studies was also created, with departments of La Raza Studies, Asian American Studies, Native American Studies, and Third World Studies (ibid. 23-24). New administrative positions were created in support of low income students, and more Black students were being admitted in the next two semesters (ibid. 23). Lastly, more than 90% of the students arrested during the strikes were granted total amnesty (ibid. 24).
Literature Review
There was a combination of media covering the student-led strike at San Francisco State College in the 1968-69 academic year. Live news coverage, personal footage of students and community members on campus, and reflective historical writing were used to document the historical event, and each resource uses different styles of communication to display their respective narratives. This ultimately offers unique perspectives on not only what happened, but why they happened.
The most candid accounts of the strike came from the documentary “San Francisco State Strike 1968, Black Students & Third World Liberation Front” by Saul Rouda, the documentary “The Turning Point” by the Labor Video Project and the “Introductory Essay” by Helen Whitson. These both provide accounts of what happened on the campus of San Francisco State College, one from live video and the other from eyewitness testimony. The documentary provides perspectives from all across the SFSC area, from calm neighboring suburban communities to campus grounds flooded with police and mass demonstrations. Live accounts of police shoving women to the ground, swinging their batons and repeatedly kicking people in the stomach paints a picture of police brutality that no words could communicate to the same degree of severity. Live interviews with students demonstrate a level of passion and determination that could not be effectively communicated through other types of media. The documentary provides a candid, almost raw sense of the moment that truly immerses the viewer into the historical moment as if you were watching the strike unfold yourself.
Helen Whitson was San Francisco State College’s librarian at the time, and seemingly took the responsibility of documenting her account of the strike seriously. Her use of contemporary documents (school newspaper clippings, photographs from the strike, strike marketing flyers, etc.) and her general knowledge of the moment provided that same candid perspective as the aforementioned documentary. Because she was still a part of the faculty and staff, she offered valuable insight into some of their perspectives, which the last documentary could not.
“The Turning Point” by the Labor Video Project offered a similar perspective as the first documentary, except this source included contemporary local news coverage. The news coverage provided insight into what families at home were viewing and hearing in regard to the protest, which was most likely the narrative being formed around the strike on a national level. This type of coverage showed most of the faculty and administration’s side, mainly through interviews. However, this documentary still felt balanced between the staged, more formal coverage of the strike and the live, candid shots of the strike on the ground. Police brutality and other conflicts were also documented.
“The Faculty Strike at San Francisco State College” by John Bunzel, “Africana Studies Department History: San Francisco State University” by Oba T’Shaka and the introduction to “Power of the People Won't Stop: Legacy of the TWLF at UC Berkeley: A Collection of Writings” by Harvey Dong all offer unique perspectives of their own minority group’s experiences within the strike. Bunzel offers the perspective of faculty members, T’Shaka offers the perspective of Black students, and Dong, non-Black students of color (primarily members of the Third World Liberation Front, to which he belonged during the strike). While each individual offers their respective perspectives via literature, each differs in focus of content.
Bunzel and Dong focus solely on what happened during the strike, which provides crucial insight into their respective groups' motivations and organizational processes throughout the development of the strike. On the other hand, T’Shaka offers a comprehensive review of not only the events of the strike, but also of the history and sociopolitical development of the region. T’Shaka gives the same insight as the other two did for their respective groups, while achieving proper contextualization of the event. This provides further perspective into how and why the events took place when and where they occurred.
Broader Narrative
An important theme from Oba T’Shaka’s “Africana Studies Department History: San Francisco State University” is that multi-level contextualization of a historical moment is pertinent to understanding the moment in its entirety. To properly contextualize a historical moment, one must be intentional about assessing what internal and external/environmental factors play(ed) a role in the gestation of the moment. Without proper contextualization of the San Francisco State College Strike of 1968-69, one could not begin to grasp how a five-month strike could be successfully implemented at any educational institution, let alone Civil Rights era San Francisco State College. A handful of events within the College, the state of California, and the country as a whole were happening simultaneously, ultimately creating the specific conditions in which the strike occurred. This unique environment indubitably affected the way in which the strike transpired, and is therefore inherent to the strike’s entire legacy and development.
Two major events were happening on a global and national level: the Civil Rights movement and the Vietnam War. In San Francisco, the end of WWII gutted the Black population of most of its higher-paying wartime jobs. The subsequent unfavorable economic conditions spurred the San Francisco Civil Rights movement, a microcosm of the Southern Civil Rights movement (T’Shaka 15). Local branches of Civil Rights and Grassroots Organizations, such as the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) and the National Association of the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) began developing and heightening political awareness across the Black Bay Area community, and inspired what would become SFSC’s Black Student Union (ibid. 15-16). Heightened political awareness was also a byproduct of the Vietnam War, especially amongst students on University and College Campuses (ibid. 20, Labor Video Project 0:12).
In the state of California, policy makers were using legislation to cause a decrease in Black college enrollment. SFSC’s Black population dropped from 12% in 1960 to 3% in 1968, consequences of educational tracking in local elementary schools overlooking Black students’ intellect and higher SAT thresholds for admission implemented by the Board of Trustees (Rouda 7:35, T’Shaka 19). To be a 3% minority at a Predominantly White Institution is already a challenge, but with racist students, administration, and community members, Black students were operating within a nearly impossible environment.
Within the Black population at SFSC ranged a host of dynamics as well. SFSC’s Black Student Union was founded in 1963 as the Negro Student Association (NSA) (T’Shaka 17). The Negro Student Association became the Black Student Union in 1966 after the term “Black Power” was gaining popularity (ibid. 19). The name change caused tension between two sections of the group (a section that favored integration and nonviolent tendencies vs, a section that favored Black Power and militant tendencies), which was resolved by the integrationist sector leaving BSU (ibid. 17-19). This created a shift towards a community-based agenda within the Black Student Union, a characteristic that ultimately fueled their desire to strike (ibid. 19).
These student organizers were very politically aware and prepared to stand up for what they believed in. One student said, “The education that third world people need is one that sees the dignity and the worth and the pride in the people from which they come. One that will enable us to, in turn, go back to our communities… and work with our people to increase and develop the level of consciousness of our people, and why they live in poverty, and why racism is continuing as a main stake of keeping third world people poor” (Rouda, 2:00). With this understanding of the contemporary political mindset of these student organizers, one must then recognize that the strike did not mark the beginning of minority student passion and activism on SFSC’s campus. Students had been protesting different aspects of their collegiate experience since May of 1967, over a year before the strike officially began (Special Collections/Archives).
Although it is clear to me that the strike would not have been as successful if it were not for the integrated nature of the group, it was the Black Student Union’s months of preparatory work that set the group up for success. BSU representatives lobbied for and introduced Black Studies courses to the school through the newly-implemented Experimental College, and spent months analyzing the power structure of the University to plan their demands accordingly (T’Shaka 20). If not for this work, the University may not have viewed their desires as legitimate, and the students would have been much less prepared to deal with the presence of administration and police. The Black Studies Program would have also looked quite different if it were not for the students’ devotion to this cause on both a strategic and academic front, as BSU created the first informal Black Studies directory a year before the program even came to fruition.
Conclusion
The San Francisco State College Strike goes down as one of the most unique strikes in American history, due to its size, longevity, and accomplishments within the political/education field. Because of the strikers’ preparedness and diligence, the majority of their demands came into fruition. While one could say that the first collegiate Black Studies program would have formed elsewhere at another time, our reality rests in front of us. The blood, sweat, and tears of these organizers, going against the grain of a college environment bubbling with oppression-based tension and inequality, set the groundwork for the hundreds of Black Studies programs the country now has to offer.
Works Cited
Bunzel, John H. “The Faculty Strike at San Francisco State College.” AAUP Bulletin, vol. 57, no. 3, Sept. 1971, pp. 341–351., https://doi.org/10.2307/40224635.
Dong, Harvey, et al. Power of the People Won't Stop: Legacy of the TWLF at UC Berkeley: A Collection of Writings. Eastwind Books of Berkeley, 2019.
Labor Video Project, director. "The Turning Point" The San Francisco State '68 Strike. YouTube, Laborvideo, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qd6-P3kHRBY. Accessed 10 May 2022.
Rhodes, Dawn. “Black Studies Struggle at State Universities under Current Fiscal Climate.” Chicago Tribune, https://www.chicagotribune.com/news/breaking/ct-african-american-studies-college-major-met-20160905-story.html.
Rouda, Saul, director. San Francisco State Strike 1968, Black Students & Third World Liberation Front. YouTube, Saulroudafilmarchive, 6 July 2014, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YMDPk29XUvw. Accessed 10 May 2022.
San Francisco State College, Black Studies. Black Student Union. “Black Studies Curriculum Spring 1968.” Digital-Collections.library.sfsu.edu, San Francisco State College, Black Studies, Black Student Union, 1968, http://digital-collections.library.sfsu.edu/digital/collection/p16737coll2/id/981.
Special Collections/Archives. “Chronology of Events.” The San Francisco State College Strike Collection, J. Paul Leonard Library, https://web.archive.org/web/20150223133936/http://www.library.sfsu.edu/about/collections/strike/chronology.html.
T'Shaka, Oba. “Africana Studies Department History: San Francisco State University.” Africana.sfsu.edu, The Journal of Pan African Studies, Oct. 2012, https://africana.sfsu.edu/sites/default/files/people/images/Tshaka%20on%20SFSu%20Black%20Studies%20Movement.pdf.
Whitson, Helene. “Introductory Essay.” The San Francisco State College Strike Collection, J. Paul Leonard Library, https://web.archive.org/web/20150224071740/http://www.library.sfsu.edu/about/collections/strike/essay.html.
